Here are some Information's to help differentiate certain situations in Armed Conflicts International and Not:

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                                          DIH                                       &                                                           DIDH

The Inner State Area of Affect:   ------------------------------    The Outer & Inner State Area of Affect :

The concept of human security has been losing momentum in recent years, at least in North America, for the simple reason, particularly in Canada, because there is still an outstanding issue to be resolved in order to control the political agenda of the House of Commons of the Government of Canada's Parliament in Ottawa and that is Separatism in Canada (all political parties combined) and that includes all the different dimensions and nations that make up this beautiful and great country. So as long as a country does not resolve its internal problems that divide its ability to implement its decisions efficiently; His ways of resolving these situations will generate causal affects reverberations situations which, depending on his decisions to use the coercive apparatus or diplomacy in an honest and acceptable manner by the parties involved, will be condemned to suffer situations that erode the base of his power, both in the sphere of electoral politics and in the institutional sphere. (as demonstrated in the theory of regimes)

Some Helpful Links to International law & Other Bounding Documents

The Necessity of Nexus Enforcement in Human Security

The theory of regimes thus demonstrates that RAMEL, Frédéric, clearly says that all the decisions that are taken and implant in terms of social, economic and other policies within a country affect the latter's ability to make decisions and apply them both internally (National Federal policies) and externally (international policies) of the latter and this vis-versa to avoid institutional Dis)integration,  Social (dis)integration: it is imperative to use Human Security in all possible spheres as well as at all its levels.

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See also : Geneva Convention: Art 3 & 8 & 6 etc... 

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A sample of some Articles protocols of actions of UN for peace resolution and security actions:

Chapter I: Purposes and Principles

Article 1

The Purposes of the United Nations are:

1. To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace;
2. To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace;
3. To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion; and
4. To be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends.

Article 2

The Organization and its Members, in pursuit of the Purposes stated in Article 1, shall act in accordance with the following Principles.

1. The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.
2. All Members, in order to ensure to all of them the rights and benefits resulting from membership, shall fulfill in good faith the obligations assumed by them in accordance with the present Charter.
3. All Members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered.
4. All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.
5. All Members shall give the United Nations every assistance in any action it takes in accordance with the present Charter, and shall refrain from giving assistance to any state against which the United Nations is taking preventive or enforcement action.
6. The Organization shall ensure that states which are not Members of the United Nations act in accordance with these Principles so far as may be necessary for the maintenance of international peace and security.
7. Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state or shall require the Members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter; but this principle shall not prejudice the application of enforcement measures under Chapter Vll.

Chapter V: The Security Council

FUNCTIONS AND POWERS

Article 26

In order to promote the establishment and maintenance of international peace and security with the least diversion for armaments of the world's human and economic resources, the Security Council shall be responsible for formulating, with the assistance of the Military Staff Committee referred to in Article 47, plans to be submitted to the Members of the United Nations for the establishment of a system for the regulation of armaments.

Chapter VI: Pacific Settlement of Disputes:

Article 33

1. The parties to any dispute, the continuance of which is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security, shall, first of all, seek a solution by negotiation, enquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, resort to regional agencies or arrangements, or other peaceful means of their own choice.
2. The Security Council shall, when it deems necessary, call upon the parties to settle their dispute by such means.

Chapter VII: Action with Respect to Threats to the Peace, Breaches of the Peace, and Acts of Aggression

Article 39

The Security Council shall determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression and shall make recommendations, or decide what measures shall be taken in accordance with Articles 41 and 42, to maintain or restore international peace and security.

Article 40

In order to prevent an aggravation of the situation, the Security Council may, before making the recommendations or deciding upon the measures provided for in Article 39, call upon the parties concerned to comply with such provisional measures as it deems necessary or desirable. Such provisional measures shall be without prejudice to the rights, claims, or position of the parties concerned. The Security Council shall duly take account of failure to comply with such provisional measures.

Article 41

The Security Council may decide what measures not involving the use of armed force are to be employed to give effect to its decisions, and it may call upon the Members of the United Nations to apply such measures. These may include complete or partial interruption of economic relations and of rail, sea, air, postal, telegraphic, radio, and other means of communication, and the severance of diplomatic relations.

Article 42

Should the Security Council consider that measures provided for in Article 41 would be inadequate or have proved to be inadequate, it may take such action by air, sea, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore international peace and security. Such action may include demonstrations, blockade, and other operations by air, sea, or land forces of Members of the United Nations.

Article 43

1. All Members of the United Nations, in order to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security, undertake to make available to the Security Council, on its call and in accordance with a special agreement or agreements, armed forces, assistance, and facilities, including rights of passage, necessary for the purpose of maintaining international peace and security.
2. Such agreement or agreements shall govern the numbers and types of forces, their degree of readiness and general location, and the nature of the facilities and assistance to be provided.
3. The agreement or agreements shall be negotiated as soon as possible on the initiative of the Security Council. They shall be concluded between the Security Council and Members or between the Security Council and groups of Members and shall be subject to ratification by the signatory states in accordance with their respective constitutional processes.

Article 44

When the Security Council has decided to use force it shall, before calling upon a Member not represented on it to provide armed forces in fulfilment of the obligations assumed under Article 43, invite that Member, if the Member so desires, to participate in the decisions of the Security Council concerning the employment of contingents of that Member's armed forces.

Article 45

In order to enable the United Nations to take urgent military measures, Members shall hold immediately available national air-force contingents for combined international enforcement action. The strength and degree of readiness of these contingents and plans for their combined action shall be determined within the limits laid down in the special agreement or agreements referred to in Article 43, by the Security Council with the assistance of the Military Staff Committee.

Article 46

Plans for the application of armed force shall be made by the Security Council with the assistance of the Military Staff Committee.

Article 47

1. There shall be established a Military Staff Committee to advise and assist the Security Council on all questions relating to the Security Council's military requirements for the maintenance of international peace and security, the employment and command of forces placed at its disposal, the regulation of armaments, and possible disarmament.
2. The Military Staff Committee shall consist of the Chiefs of Staff of the permanent members of the Security Council or their representatives. Any Member of the United Nations not permanently represented on the Committee shall be invited by the Committee to be associated with it when the efficient discharge of the Committee's responsibilities requires the participation of that Member in its work.
3. The Military Staff Committee shall be responsible under the Security Council for the strategic direction of any armed forces placed at the disposal of the Security Council. Questions relating to the command of such forces shall be worked out subsequently.
4. The Military Staff Committee, with the authorization of the Security Council and after consultation with appropriate regional agencies, may establish regional sub-committees.

Article 48

1. The action required to carry out the decisions of the Security Council for the maintenance of international peace and security shall be taken by all the Members of the United Nations or by some of them, as the Security Council may determine.
2. Such decisions shall be carried out by the Members of the United Nations directly and through their action in the appropriate international agencies of which they are members.

Article 49

The Members of the United Nations shall join in affording mutual assistance in carrying out the measures decided upon by the Security Council.

Article 50

If preventive or enforcement measures against any state are taken by the Security Council, any other state, whether a Member of the United Nations or not, which finds itself confronted with special economic problems arising from the carrying out of those measures shall have the right to consult the Security Council with regard to a solution of those problems.

Article 51

Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the exercise of this right of self-defense shall be immediately reported to the Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council under the present Charter to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security.

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Nexus Enforcement in Human Security

The concept of human security is a necessity, since states use regimes that depend on their constituents and that seek their well-being or not, and this includes all other types of political regimes or state management; depend on social stability within their own state spaces, where rebellions, discontent, oppositions, generate social movements which, if their demands are not met, will take on momentum and will generate prolonged conflicts of feelings of grievance that will be transformed into social trauma by the non-resolution of a simple small questioning at the base that is transformed into societal problems by its emotional contagion. And so it is necessary, in order to maintain a national political stability that allows a sound management of a country's social policies, to divide state security into 2 dimensions, i.e. international and national security in which all spheres of human security are represented, or to see the political power in place lose its elections,  to be overthrown by a blow, to be forced to resign, or any other situation generated by one's own decisions that will not have taken into account the fundamental needs of the different societal divisions that make up the society that constitute their state, in other words; According to Maslow's pyramid, if they do not take care of the well-being of the human beings who constitute their state, they will generate social movements, which will generate rebellions.

And so, as regime theory clearly indicates, states, which are made up of societal groups, which are affected by the application of their decisions in internal and external regimes where international realities demonstrate that states exist in a space where human nature in their interactions is governed by the needs of the dominant group in the state decision-making space that is affected by society's reactions in causal reaction to its own decisions in the application of its internal policies. What affects their needs and influences their decision-making processes or relational patterns demonstrate a situation of symbiosis at the regional, national and international levels and where the options offered depend on the capacities of each in the use of the coercive and diplomatic apparatus in a negotiation dimension.

Or to consolidate the subject of it;

Clausewitz made us understand well in his definition of war, defines war as an act of violence aimed at forcing the adversary to carry out our will. War is therefore an armed conflict between two opposing wills, where violence and force are means used to achieve a political objective. War as a continuation of politics by other means, According to Clausewitz, war is not an isolated event, but an extension of politics. War is the continuation of political relations by violent means and must always be viewed through this perspective. This implies that political objectives must guide the conduct of war. The Nature of War, Clausewitz insists that war is essentially a confrontation between two wills, not just a military confrontation. This confrontation is influenced by irrational factors (such as human emotions), in addition to strategic reason. War can therefore become unpredictable. The importance of intelligence and adaptation with a war marked by uncertainty and constant change, the ability to adapt to circumstances is crucial. Intelligence, strategic thinking and informed decision-making are key. (VON CLAUSEWITZ, Carl, On the Nature of War, 2006 pages 37-59)

Where it is important to make the distinction between several factors that compose them, some of which are listed below in the Old Wars document:

• the distinction between public and private, between the sphere of state activity and non-state activity;
• the distinction between internal and external, between what took place within the clearly defi ned territory of the state and what took place outside;
• the distinction between the economic and the political which was associated with the rise of capitalism, the
• separation of private economic activity from public state activities, and the removal of physical coercion from economic activities;
• the distinction between the civil and the military, between domestic non-violent legal intercourse and external violent struggle, between civil society and barbarism;
• the distinction between the legitimate bearer of arms and the non-combatant or the criminal. (Kaldor-Mary, New and Old Wars, 2006, pp. 15-32. )

and TSCHIRGI, Neclâ, in his text explains the complex relationship between development and security, stressing that, although they are often addressed together in international policies, their articulation remains difficult to grasp. The author criticizes the way in which these two concepts are often treated in an overly simplistic way, notably through the notion of "human security", which is sometimes used rhetorically without a real understanding of the underlying dynamics. Tschirgi highlights the limitations of approaches that separate development from security and argues for a more nuanced view, taking into account local social, political and economic contexts. (TSCHIRGI, Neclâ, 2006, pp. 47-68.)

Or in Florence Basty's text which explores the concept of "human security", which marks a reversal of the traditional conception of security, which emphasizes the protection of states and their borders. She argues that this new approach puts the individual at the heart of security concerns, taking into account threats to their well-being, such as poverty, human rights violations and internal conflicts. This reorientation broadens the scope of security to include economic, social and political dimensions, and no longer only military ones, thus challenging the traditional paradigms of international relations.

It also highlights the challenges related to the implementation of this concept in international policies, in particular the difficulty of integrating this approach into systems dominated by state logics. While human security offers a more comprehensive and humane framework for addressing global issues, its adoption remains complex, especially in a context where states continue to play a central role in global security discussions. The author thus highlights the practical and theoretical obstacles to the implementation of this new vision of security on the international scene. (BASTY, Florence, November 2008, pp. 35-57. )

And where Hanne Fjelde's article, Generals, Dictators, and Kings, attempts to confirm that the links between authoritarian regimes and civil conflicts. Fjelde analyzes the different types of authoritarian regimes (military, dictatorial and monarchical) and their propensity to engage in internal conflicts. She argues that the stability of authoritarian regimes is often threatened by distrust and popular revolts, and explores how the nature of these regimes influences their ability to suppress or prevent such conflicts. The study also sheds light on the political, social and economic factors that play a key role in the dynamics of authoritarian regimes and their interactions with civil society.

Fjelde argues that each type of authoritarian regime reacts differently to internal threats, depending on its power structure and its relationships with elites, the military, and the population. Military regimes are particularly vulnerable to coups and rebellions due to the centralization of power and military control. Dictatorships, on the other hand, are often more rigid, but can effectively suppress opposition movements. Monarchies, although often more resistant to conflict, were not immune to social tensions, especially when elites perceived a weakening of royal power. This analysis provides insight into the complex mechanisms that underlie civil conflict in different types of authoritarian regimes. (FJELDE, Hanne, 2010, pp. 195-218. )

1. The arguments that support the link in the need to use Human Security in the security and development dimension of the course at both the national and international levels indicate an interdependence between the latter where human security includes not only protection against physical threats, but also economic, social and political security. Without security, development is impossible because individuals and communities cannot thrive in an unstable environment.

• Conflict Prevention: Sustainable development helps prevent conflict by reducing inequalities, creating economic opportunities, and strengthening democratic and inclusive institutions. Lack of development often leads to frustrations that can turn into violence and civil war.
• Institutional Capacity Building: Good governance is essential for both security and development. Strong and legitimate institutions can not only prevent conflict, but also foster an environment conducive to economic growth and social stability.
• A Multiplier Effect of Integration: The Nexus advocates that an integrated effort in defense and development (e.g., by building community resilience while ensuring security) can have a multiplier effect, increasing the effectiveness of peace and development policies.

2. But in opposition and counter-arguments; Risks of confusion between security and development: The integration of security and development can lead to role confusion. For example, military actions could be seen as solutions to socio-economic problems, while they can often exacerbate tensions and violence.

• To Ensure Development: The Nexus can lead to a "securitization" of development projects, where development assistance and interventions are conditioned by security priorities rather than humanitarian or governance needs. This can lead to interventions that neglect human rights and the needs of the population.
• Underestimating the root causes of conflicts: By paying too much attention to improving security and development, certain aspects of conflicts (such as political, ideological or ethnic causes) risk being neglected, which could lead to a superficial or temporary resolution of conflicts.
• Lack of Resources: Nexus integration requires substantial resources to coordinate military, humanitarian, and development efforts. In crisis contexts, this can be difficult to achieve, as these sectors can compete for limited resources.
• The complexity of its implementation; Although the idea of Nexus seems logical in theory, its implementation can be complex in the application of Human Security. For example, coordination between defence and development actors can be difficult due to divergent priorities. Security-oriented development policies can neglect vital needs, such as access to education and health, by focusing too much on military priorities.

In Contextual Approach to the need for the application of the Nexus in the application of Human Security must be nuanced according to the local context. For example, in regions where conflicts are primarily driven by ethnic or ideological issues, the focus on economic development and physical security may not be sufficient to address the root causes of tensions. On the other hand, in situations where armed groups are fighting for control of resources, an integrated approach to security and development may be more relevant.

The role of governance in its management, although good governance is essential for both security and development, the state's ability to ensure effective governance depends largely on its political and social environment. In contexts where the state is weak or authoritarian, security-oriented development initiatives can worsen the situation if they do not take into account local social and political dynamics.

The danger of instrumentalization by opportunists is most important to emphasize that, while the combination of defense and development can be beneficial in certain contexts, it can also be instrumentalized by external powers or government actors for geopolitical purposes. In such cases, security priorities could take precedence over development priorities, which could undermine the goal of lasting peace.

In conclusion I would say that,

The Defense and Development Nexus in the application of Human Security at both the national and international levels offers a new and promising approach to addressing the complex challenges of the modern world, where security and development issues are increasingly intertwined. This model emphasizes the importance of an integrated approach, where the physical and economic security of individuals is a priority for development, and where development becomes a prerequisite for sustainable peace. However, this approach is not without its critics. The potential for confusion between security and development priorities, as well as the tendency to instrumentalise aid, remain major challenges. In addition, the Nexus must take into account the root causes of conflicts, which are not always economic or security, but sometimes political, identity or ideological. Finally, the implementation of this approach requires complex coordination and significant resources, which is not always possible in fragile contexts. In conclusion, although the Defence and Development Nexus represents a smart response to contemporary challenges, it must be applied with caution and adjusted to local realities to prevent it from becoming an ineffective or even counterproductive tool.

But more importantly the application of Human Security, allows the Nexus to be applied in direct realtion with, for example, the military doctrine "Patreus" which seem to be twins, to thwart insurgencies and very effective in counterterrorism strategies, which attempts to reinforce the need to apply the Dimenssion of Human Security in a symbiotic way at all levels to allow the consolidation of all spheres of society civil and allow a social stability that allows the regeneration of the population, which generates the sphere of politicians and allows political capital, which in its entirety allows state stability and efficiency in the application of both national and international policies through the internal capacity of the state to generate the capital necessary to disguise the strategies chaised by the state apparatus that governs the regimes in place.

Patreus doctrine:

(https://www.armyupress.army.mil/Journals/Military-Review/Online-Exclusive/2016-Online-Exclusive-Articles/Strategic-Command-General-David-Petraeus/)

And since, with regard to climate change (Collier, Paul, Natural Resources, Development and Conflicts, and Keucheyan and Razmig, Climate, Nature, Natural Resources: The New Battlefields) make it very clear to us that our inaction will cost us more and more dearly in a situation where at the International the space for production will shrink and the demand will be accentuated,  This will put pressure on the state, or in the international space it will find itself either cooperating, defending itself, or acting pre-emptively for its survival, which will generate "as we can perceive in the present" contradictory and irrational situations of state actors where new types of conflicts will even appear between coalitions and their allies.

Authors related: 

 Ted Gurr ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 Edward E Azar ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Paul Collier ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Mancur Olson -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Ted Gurr constructivism theory ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------